IN  MEMORIAM 
BERNARD   MOSES 


THE 


WORDS  OF 

\i 


Selections  from  his  Most  Celebrated  State  Papers. 


NEW  YORK  : 
JOHN  B.  ALDEN,  PUBLISHER. 

1886. 


55 


BERNARD  to  OSES 


THE    WORDS    OF   WASHINGTON. 


LETTER  TO  THE  GOVERNORS 

Newburgh,  N.  F.,  June  18,  1783. 

SIE — The  object  for  which  I  had  the  honor  to  hold 
an  appointment  in  the  service  of  my  country  being 
accomplished,  I  am  now  preparing  to  resign  it  into 
the  hands  of  Congress,  and  return  to  that  domestic 
retirement,  which,  it  is  well  known,  I  left  with  the 
greatest  reluctance ;  a  retirement  for  which  1  have 
never  ceased  to  sigh  through  a  long  and  painful  ab 
sence,  in  which  (remote  from  the  noise  and  trouble 
of  the  world),  I  meditate  to  pass  the  remainder  of 
life  in  a  state  of  undisturbed  repose;  but,  before  I 
carry  this  resolution  into  effect,  I  think  it  a  duty  in-  . 
cumbent  on  me  to  make  this  my  last  official  commu 
nication,  to  congratulate  you  on  the  glorious  events 
which  heaven  has  been  pleased  to  produce  in  our 
favor;  to  offer  my  sentiments  respecting  some  im 
portant  subjects,  which  appear  to  me  to  be  intimately 
connected  with  the  tranquility  of  the  United  States; 
to  take  my  leave  of  your  excellency  as  a  public  char 
acter;  and  to  give  my  final  blessing  to  that  country, 
in  whose  service  I  have  spent  the  prime  of  my  life; 
for  whose  sake  I  have  consumed  so  many  anxious 


776239 


6          THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

days  and  watchful  nights,  and  whose  happiness, 
being  extremely  dear  to  me,  will  always  constitute 
no  inconsiderable  part  of  my  OWD. 

Impressed  with ,  the  liveliest  sensibility  on  this 
pleasing  occasion,  I  will  claim  the  indulgence  of 
dilating  the  more  copiously  on  the  subject  of  our 
mutual  felicitation.  .  When  we  consider  the  magni 
tude  of  the  prize  we  contended  for,  the  doubtful 
nature  of  the  contest  and  the  favorable  manner  in 
which  it  has  terminated,  we  shall  find  the  greatest 
possible  reason  for  gratitude  and  rejoicing.  This  is 
a  theme  that  will  afford  infinite  delight  to  every  be 
nevolent  and  liberal  mind;  whether  the  event  in 
contemplation  be  considered  as  a  source  of  present 
enjoyment,  or  the  parent  of  future  happiness;  and 
we  shall  have  equal  occasion  to  felicitate  ourselves 
on  the  lot  which  Providence  has  assigned  us,  whether 
we  view  it  in  a  natural,  a  political,  or  moral  point  of 
light. 

The  citizens  of  America,  placed  in  the  most  en 
viable  condition,  as  the  sole  lords  and  proprietors  of 
a  vast  tract  of  continent,  comprehending  all  the  vari 
ous  soils  and  climates  of  the  world,  and  abounding 
with  all  the  necessaries  and  conveniences  of  life,  are 
now,  by  the  late  satisfactory  pacification,  acknowl 
edged  to  be  possessed  of  absolute  freedom  and  inde 
pendency;  they  are  from  this  period  to  be  considered 
as  the  actors  on  a  most  conspicuous  theater,  which 
seems  to  be  peculiarly  designed  by  Providence  for 
the  display  of  human  greatness  and  felicity.  Here 
they  are  not  only  surrounded  with  everything  that 
can  contribute  to  the  completion  of  private  and  do- 


LETTER  TO   THE  GOVERNORS.          7 

mestic  enjoyment,  but  heaven  has  crowned  all  its 
other  blessings,  by  giving  a  surer  opportunity  for 
political  happiness,  than  any  other  nation  has  ever 
been  favored  with.  Nothing  can  illustrate  these  ob 
servations  more  forcibly  than  a  recollection  of  the 
happy  conjuncture  of  times  and  circumstances,  under 
which  our  republic  assumed  its  rank  among  the 
nations.  The  foundation  of  our  empire  was  not  laid 
in  a  gloomy  age  of  ignorance  and  superstition,  but 
at  an  epocha  when  the  rights  of  mankind  were  better 
understood  and  more  clearly  defined,  than  at  any 
former  period.  Researches  of  the  human  mind  after 
social  happiness  have  been  carried  to  a  great  extent ; 
the  treasures  of  knowledge  acquired  by  the  labors  of 
philosophers,  sages,* and  legislators,'  through  a  long 
succession  of  years  are  laid  open  for  us,  and  their 
collected  wisdom  may  be  happily  applied  in  the  es 
tablishment  of  our  forms  of  government.  The  free 
cultivation  of  letters,  the  unbounded  extension  of 
commerce,  the  progressive  refinement  of  manners, 
the  growing  liberality  of  sentiment,  and,  above  all, 
the  pure  and  benign  light  of  revelation,  have  had  a 
meliorating  influence  on  mankind,  and  increased  the 
blessings  of  society.  At  this  auspicious  period,  the 
United  States  came  into  existence  as  a  nation;  and  if 
their  citizens  should  not  be  completely  free  and 
happy,  the  fault  will  be  entirely  their  own. 

Such  is  our  situation,  and  such  are  our  prospects, 
But  notwithstanding  the  cup  of  blessing  is  thus 
reached  out  to  us;  notwithstanding  happiness  is  ours, 
if  we  have  a  disposition  to  seize  the  occasion,  and 
make  it  our  own,  yet  it  appears  to  me  there  is  an 


8         THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

option  still  left  to  the  United  States  of  America, 
whether  they  will  be  respectable  and  prosperous,  or 
contemptible  and  miserable  as  a  nation.  This  is  the 
time  of  their  political  probation:  this  is  the  moment 
when  the  eyes  of  the  whole  world  are  turned  upon 
them ;  this  is  the  time  to  establish  or  ruin  their  na 
tional  character  forever;  this  is  the  favorable  moment 
to  give  such  a  tone  to  the  federal  government,  as  will 
enable  it  to  answer  the  ends  of  its  institution;  or, 
this  may  be  the  ill  fated  moment  for  relaxing  the 
powers  of  the  union,  annihilating  the  cement  of  the 
confederation,  and  exposing  us  to  become  the  sport 
of  European  politics,  which  may  play  one  state 
against  another,  to  prevent  their  growing  importance, 
and  to  serve  their  own  interested  purposes.  For, 
according  to  the  system  of  policy  the  states  shall 
adopt  at  this  moment,  they  will  stand  or  fall;  and 
by  their  confirmation  or  lapse,  it  is  yet  to  be  decided, 
whether  the  revolution  must  ultimately  be  considered 
as  a  blessing  or  a  curse,  not  to  the  present  age  alone, 
for  with  our  fate  will  the  destiny  of  unborn  millions 
be  involved. 

With  this  conviction  of  the  importance  of  the  pres 
ent  crisis,  silence  in  me  would  be  a  crime;  I  will 
therefore  speak  to  your  excellency  the  language  of 
freedom  and  sincerity,  without  disguise.  I  am  aware, 
however,  those  who  differ  from  me  in  political  senti 
ments  may,  perhaps,  remark,  I  am  stepping  out  of 
the  proper  line  of  my  duty;  and  they  may  probably 
ascribe  to  arrogance  or  ostentation,  what  I  know  is 
alone  the  result  of  the  purest  intention.  But  the 
rectitude  of  my  own  heart,  which  disdains  such  un- 


LETTER  TO  THE  GOVERNORS.          9 

worthy  motives ;  the  part  I  have  hitherto  acted  in 
life;  the  determination  I  have  formed  of  not  taking 
any  share  in  public  business  hereafter,  the  ardent 
desire  I  feel,  and  shall  continue  to  manifest,  of 
quietly  enjoying  in  private  life,  after  all  the  toils  of 
war,  the  benefits  of  a  wise  and  liberal  government, 
will,  I  flatter  myself,  sooner  or  later,  convince  my 
country,  that  I  could  have  no  sinister  views  in  de 
livering,  with  so  little  reserve,  the  opinion  contained 
in  this  address. 

There  are  four  things  which,  I  humbly  conceive, 
are  essential  to  the  well  being,  I  may  even  venture 
to  say,  to  the  existence,  of  the  United  States,  as  an 
independent  power, 

1st.  An  indissoluble  union  of  the  states  under  one 
federal  head. 

2dly.  A  sacred  regard  to  public  justice. 

3dly.  The  adoption  of  a  proper  peace  establish 
ment.  And, 

4thly.  The  prevalence  of  that  pacific  arid  friendly 
disposition  among  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
which  will  induce  them  to  forget  their  local  preju 
dices  and  policies;  to  make  those  mutual  concessions, 
which  are  requisite  to  the  general  prosperity;  and  in 
some  instances,  to  sacrifice  their  individual  advant 
ages  to  the  interest  of  the  community. 

These  are  the  pillars  on  which  the  glorious  fabric 
of  our  independency  and  national  character  must  be 
supported.  Liberty  is  the  basis — and  whoever  would 
dare  to  sap  the  foundation,  or  overturn  the  structure, 
under  whatever  specious  pretext  he  may  attempt  it, 
will  merit  the  bitterest  execration,  and  the  severest 


10       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

punishment,  which  can  be  inflicted  by  his  injured 
country. 

On  the  three  first  articles  I  will  make  a  few  obser 
vations,  leaving  the  last  to  the  good  sense  and  serious 
consideration  of  those  immediately  concerned. 

Under  the  first  head,  although  it  may  not  be 
necessary  or  proper  for  me  in  this  place  to  enter 
into  a  particular  disquisition  of  the  principles  of  the 
union,  and  to  take  up  the  great  question  which  has 
been  frequently  agitated,  whether  it  be  expedient 
and  requisite  for  the  states  to  delegate  a  larger  pro 
portion  of  power  to  Congress,  or  not;  yet  it  will  >/e 
a  part  of  my  duty,  and  that  of  every  true  patriot,  to 
assert,  without  reserve,  and  to  insist  upon  the  fol 
lowing  positions : — That,  unless  the  states  will  saffer 
Congress  to  exercise  those  prerogatives  they  are 
undoubtedly  invested  with  by  the  constitution,  f  very- 
thing  must  very  rapidly  tend  to  anarchy  and  con 
fusion:  That  it  is  indispensable  to  the  happiness  of 
the  individual  states,  that  there  should  be  lodged, 
somewhere,  a  supreme  power  to  regulate  an  J  govern 
the  general  concerns  of  the  confederated  republic, 
without  which  the  union  cannot  be  of  long  duration. 
That  there  must  be  a  faithful  and  pointed  compli 
ance  on  the  part  of  every  state  with  the  late  proposals 
and  demands  of  Congress,  or  the  most  fatal  con 
sequences  will  ensue:  That  whatever  measures  have 
a  tendency  to  dissolve  the  union,  or  contribute  to 
violate  or  lessen  the  sovereign  authority,  ought  to  be 
considered  as  hostile  to  the  liberty  and  independence 
of  America,  and  the  authors  of  them  treated  accord 
ingly.  And,  lastly,  that,  unless  we  can  be  enabled 


LETTER  TO   THE  GOVERNORS.        H 

by  the  concurrence  of  the  states  to  participate  in  the 
fruits  of  the  revolution,  and  enjoy  the  essential 
benefits  of  civil  society,  under  a  form  of  government 
so  free  and  uncorrupted,  so  happily  guarded  against 
the  danger  of  oppression,  as  has  been  devised  and 
adopted  by  the  articles  of  confederation,  it  will  be  a 
subject  of  regret,  that  so  much  blood  and  treasure 
have  been  lavished  for  no  purpose;  that  so  many 
sufferings  have  been  encountered  without  a  compen 
sation,  and  that  so  many  sacrifices  have  been  made 
in  vain.  Many  other  considerations  might  here  be 
adduced  to  prove,  that,  without  an  entire  conformity 
to  the  spirit  of  the  union,  we  cannot  exist  as  an 
independent  power.  It  will  be  sufficient  for  my 
purpose  to  mention  but  one  or  two,  which  seem  to 
me  of  the  greatest  importance.  It  is  only  in  our 
united  character  as  an  empire,  that  our  independence 
is  acknowledged,  that  our  power  can  be  regarded,  or 
our  credit  supported  among  foreign  nations.  The 
treaties  of  the  European  powers  with  the  United 
States  of  America,  will  have  no  validity  on  a  dis 
solution  of  the  union.  We  shall  be  left  nearly  in  a 
state  of  nature ;  or  we  may  find,  by  our  own  unhappy 
experience,  that  there  is  a  natural  and  necessary 
progression  from  the  extreme  of  anarchy  to  the 
extreme  of  tyranny;  and  that  arbitrary  power  is 
most  easily  established  on  the  ruins  of  liberty,  abused 
to  licentiousness. 

As  to  the  second  article,  which  respects  the  per 
formance  of  public  justice,  Congress  have,  in  their 
late  address  to  the  United  States,  almost  exhausted 
the  subject ;  they  have  explained  their  ideas  so  fully, 


12       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

and  have  enforced  the  obligations  the  states  are 
under  to  render  complete  justice  to  all  the  public 
creditors,  with  so  much  dignity  and  energy,  that,  in 
my  opinion,  no  real  friend  to  the  honor  and  inde 
pendency  of  America  can  hesitate  a  single  moment 
respecting  the  propriety  of  complying  with  the  just 
and  honorable  measures  proposed.  If  their  argu 
ments  do  not  produce  conviction,  I  know  of  nothing 
that  will  have  greater  influence,  especially  when  we 
reflect  that  the  system  referred  to,  being  the  result 
of  the  collected  wisdom  of  the  continent,  must  be 
esteemed,  if  not  perfect,  certainly  the  least  objec 
tionable,  of  any  that  could  be  devised;  and  that,  if 
it  should  not  be  carried  into  immediate  execution,  a 
national  bankruptcy,  with  all  its  deplorable  conse 
quences,  will  take  place  before  any  different  plan 
can  possibly  be  proposed  or  adopted ;  so  pressing  are 
the  present  circumstances,  and  such  is  the  alternative 
now  offered  to  the  states. 

The  ability  of  the  country  to  discharge  the  debts 
which  have  been  incurred  in  its  defence,  is  not  to  be 
doubted;  and  inclination,  I  flatter  myself,  will  not 
be  wanting.  The  path  of  our  duty  is  plain  before 
us ;  honesty  will  be  found,  on  every  experiment,  to 
be  the  best  and  only  true  policy.  Let  us  then,  as  a 
nation,  be  just;  let  us  fulfill  the  public  contracts 
which  Congress  had  undoubtedly  a  right  to  make  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  war,  with  the  same 
good  faith  we  suppose  ourselves  bound  to  perform 
our  private  engagements.  Iti  the  mean  time,  let  an 
attention  to  the  cheerful  performance  of  their  proper 
business,  as  individuals,  and  as  members  of  society, 


LETTER  TO  THE  GOVERNORS.       13 

be  earnestly  inculcated  on  the  citizens  of  America ; 
then  will  they  strengthen  the  bands  of  government, 
and  be  happy  under  its  protection.  Every  one  will 
reap  the  fruit  of  his  labors;  every  one  will  enjoy  his 
own  acquisitions,  without  molestation  and  without 
danger. 

In  this  state  of  absolute  freedom  and  perfect  secur 
ity,  who  will  grudge  to  yield  a  very  little  of  his 
property  to  support  the  common  interests  of  society, 
and  ensure  the  protection  of  government?  Who 
does  not  remember  the  frequent  declarations  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war — that  we  should  be  com 
pletely  satisfied  if,  at  the  expense  of  one  half,  we 
could  defend  the  remainder  of  our  possessions? 
"Where  is  the  man  to  be  found  who  wishes  to  remain 
in  debt,  for  the  defence  of  his  own  person  and  prop 
erty,  to  the  exertions,  the  bravery,  and  the  blood  of 
others,  without  making  one  generous  effort  to  pay 
the  debt  of  honor  and  of  gratitude?  In  what  part 
of  the  continent  shall  we  find  any  man,  or  body  of 
men,  who  would  not  blush  to  stand  up  and  propose 
measures  purposely  calculated  to  rob  the  soldier  of 
his  stipend,  and  the  public  creditor  of  his  due?  And 
were  it  possible  that  such  a  flagrant  instance  of  in 
justice  could  ever  happen,  would  it  not  excite  the 
general  indignation,  and  tend  to  bring  down  upon, 
the  authors  of  such  measures  the  aggravated  venge 
ance  of  Heaven?  If,  after  all,  a  spirit  of  disunion, 
or  a  temper  of  obstinacy  and  perverseness  should 
manifest  itself  in  any  ef  the  states;  if  such  an  un 
gracious  disposition  should  attempt  to  frustrate  all 
the  happy  effect  that  might  be  expected  to  flow  from 


14       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  union;  if  there  should  be  a  refusal  to  comply 
with  requisitions  for  funds  to  discharge  the  annual 
interest  of  the  public  debt;  and  if  that  refusal  should 
revive  all  those  jealousies,  and  produce  all  those 
evils,  which  are  now  happily  removed,  Congress, 
who  have  in  all  their  transactions  shown  a  great 
degree  of  magnanimity  and  justice,  will  stand  justi 
fied  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man!  and  that  state 
alone,  which  puts  itself  in  opposition  to  the  aggregate 
wisdom  of  the  continent,  and  follows  such  mistaken 
and  pernicious  counsels,  will  be  responsible  for  all 
the  consequences. 

For  my  own  part,  conscious  of  having  acted,  while 
a  servant  of  the  public,  in  the  manner  I  conceived 
best  suited  to  promote  the  real  interests  of  my 
country;  having,  in  consequence  of  my  fixed  belief 
in  some  measure  pledged  myself  to  the  army,  that 
their  country  would  finally  do  them  complete  and 
ample  justice,  and  not  wishing  to  conceal  any  in 
stance  of  my  official  conduct  from  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  I  have  thought  proper  to  transmit  to  your 
excellency  the  enclosed  collection  of  papers  relative 
to  the  half-pay  and  commutation  granted  by  Con 
gress  to  the  officers  of  the  army.  From  these  com 
munications  my  decided  sentiment  will  be  clearly 
comprehended,  together  with  the  conclusive  reasons 
which  induced  me,  at  an  early  period,  to  recommend 
the  adoption  of  this  measure  in  the  most  earnest  and 
serious  manner.  As  the  proceedings  of  Congress, 
the  army,  and  myself,  are  open  to  all,  and  contain, 
in  my  opinion,  sufficient  information  to  remove  the 
prejudices  and  errors  which  may  have  been  enter- 


LETTER  TO   THE  GOVERNORS.        15 

tained  by  any,  I  think  it  unnecessary  to  say  anything 
more  than  just  to  observe,  that  the  resolutions  of 
Congress,  now  alluded  to,  are  as  undoubtedly  and 
absolutely  binding  upon  the  United  States,  as  the 
most  solemn  acts  of  confederation  or  legislation. 

As  to  the  idea  which,  1  am  informed,  has  in  some 
instances  prevailed,  that  the  half-pay  and  commuta 
tion  are  to  be  regarded  merely  in  the  odious  light  of 
a  pension,  it  ought  to  be  exploded  forever;  that  pro 
vision  should  be  viewed,  as  it  really  was,  a  reason 
able  compensation  offered  by  Congress,  at  a  time 
when  they  had  nothing  else  to  give  to  officers  of  the 
army,  for  services  then  to  be  performed.  It  was  the 
only  means  to  prevent  a  total  dereliction  of  the 
service.  It  was  a  part  of  their  hire.  I  may  be 
allowed  to  say,  it  was  the  price  of  their  blood  and  of 
your  independency.  It  is  therefore  more  than  a 
common  debt;  it  is  a  debt  of  honor;  it  can  never  be 
considered  as  a  pension,  or  gratuity,  nor  canceled 
until  it  is  fairly  discharged. 

With  regard  to  the  distinction  between  officers 
and  soldiers,  it  is  sufficient  that  the  uniform  experi 
ence  of  every  nation  of  the  world,  combined  with 
our  own,  proves  the  utility  and  propriety  of  the  dis 
crimination.  Rewards,  in  proportion  to  the  aid  the 
public  draws  from  them,  are  unquestionably  due  to 
all  its  servants.  In  some  lines,  the  soldiers  have, 
perhaps,  generally,  had  an  ample  compensation  for 
their  sefvices,  by  the  large  bounties  which  have  been 
paid  them,  as  their  officers  will  receive  in  the  pro 
posed  commutation,  in  others,  if,  besides  the  dona 
tion  of  land,  the  payment  of  arreages  of  clothing 


16       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

and  wages  (in  which  articles  all  the  component  parts 
of  the  army  must  be  put  upon  the  same  footing),  we 
take  into  the  estimate  the  bounties  many  of  the 
soldiers  have  received,  and  the  gratuity  of  one  year's 
full  pay,  which  is  promised  to  all,  possibly  their 
situation  (every  circumstance  being  duly  considered) 
will  not  be  deemed  less  eligible  than  that  of  the 
officers.  Should  a  farther  reward,  however,  be 
judged  equitable,  I  will  venture  to  assert,  no  man 
will  enjoy  greater  satisfaction  than  myself  in  an 
exemption  from  taxes  for  a  limited  time  (which  has 
been  petitioned  for  in  some  instances),  or  any  other 
adequate  immunity  or  compensation  granted  to  the 
brave  defenders  of  their  country's  cause.  But  neither 
the  adoption  or  rejection  of  this  proposition  will,  in 
any  manner,  affect,  much  less  militate  against  the 
act  of  Congress,  by  which  they  have  offered  five 
years'  full  pay,  in  lieu  of  the  half  pay  for  life,  which 
had  been  before  promised  to  the  officers  of  the 
army. 

Before  I  conclude  the  subject  on  public  justice,  I 
cannot  omit  to  mention  the  obligations  this  country 
is  under  to  that  meritorious  class  of  veterans,  the 
non-commissioned  officers  and  privates,  who  have 
been  discharged  for  inability,  in  consequence  of  the 
resolution  of  Congress,  of  the  23d  of  April,  1782,  on 
an  annual  pension  for  life.  Their  peculiar  suffer 
ings,  their  singular  merits  and  claims  to  that  pro 
vision,  need  only  to  be  known,  to  interest  the  feelings 
of  humanity  in  their  behalf.  Nothing  but  a  punc 
tual  payment  of  their  annual  allowance  can  rescue 
them  from  the  most  complicated  misery;  and  nothing 


LETTER  TO   THE  GOVERNORS.        17 

could  be  a  more  melancholy  and  distressing  sight 
than  to  behold  those  who  have  shed  their  blood,  or 
lost  their  limbs  in  the  service  of  their  country,  with 
out  a  shelter,  without  a  friend,  and  without  the 
means  of  obtaining  any  of  the  comforts  or  neces 
saries  of  life,  compelled  to  beg  their  bread  daily 
from  door  to  door.  Suffer  me  to  recommend  those 
of  this  description,  belonging  to  your  state,  to  the 
warmest  patronage  of  your  excellency  and  your 
legislature. 

It  is  necessary  to  say  but  a  few  words  on  the  third 
topic  which  was  proposed,  and  which  regards  par 
ticularly  the  defence  of  the  republic — as  there  can 
be  little  doubt  but  Congress  will  recommend  a  proper 
peace  estaDlishment  for  the  United  States,  in  which 
a  due  attention  will  be  paid  to  the  importance  of 
placing  the  militia  of  the  union  upon  a  regular  and 
respectable  footing.  If  this  should  be  the  case,  I 
should  beg  leave  to  urge  the  great  advantage  of  it  in 
the  strongest  terms. 

The  militia  of  this  country  must  be  considered  as 
the  palladium  of  our  security,  and  the  first  effectual 
resort  in  case  of  hostility.  It  is  essential,  therefore, 
that  the  same  system  should  pervade  the  whole  ;  that 
the  formation  and  discipline  of  the  militia  of  the  con 
tinent  should  be  absolutely  uniform  ;  and  that  the 
same  species  of  arms,  accoutrement,  and  military 
apparatus,  should  be  introduced  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States.  No  one,  who  has  not  learned  it  from 
experience,  can  conceive  the  difficulty,  expense,  and 
confusion,  which  result  from  a  contrary  system,  or  the 
vague  arrangements  which  have  hitherto  prevailed. 


18       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

If,  in  treating  of  political  points,  a  greater  latitude 
than  usual  has  been  taken  in  the  course  of  the  ad 
dress,  the  importance  of  the  crisis,  and  the  magnitude 
of  the  objects  in  discussion,  must  be  my  apology. 
It  is,  however,  neither  my  wish  nor  expectation, 
that  the  preceding  observations  should  claim  any  re 
gard,  except  so  far  as  they  shall  appear  to  be  dic 
tated  by  a  good  intention,  consonant  to  the  immuta 
ble  rules  of  justice  ;  calculated  to  produce  a  liberal 
system  of  policy,  and  founded  on  whatever  experi 
ence  may  have  been  acquired  by  a  long  and  close 
attention  to  public  business.  Here  I  might  speak 
with  more  confidence  from  my  actual  observations; 
and,  if  it  would  not  swell  this  letter  (already  too 
prolix)  beyond  the  bounds  I  had  prescribed  myself, 
L  could  demonstrate  to  every  mind  open  to  con 
viction,  that,  in  less  time,  and  with  much  less  ex 
pense  than  has  been  incurred,  the  war  might  have 
been  brought  to  the  same  happy  conclusion,  if  the 
resources  of  the  continent  could  have  been  properly 
called  forth  ;  that  the  distresses  and  disappointments 
which  have  very  often  occurred,  have,  in  too  many 
instances,  resulted  more  from  a  want  of  energy  in 
the  continental  government  than  a  deficiency  of 
means  in  the  particular  states  ;  that  the  inefficacy 
of  the  measures,  arising  from  the  want  of  an  ade 
quate  authority  in  the  supreme  power,  from  partial 
compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  Congress,  in 
some  of  the  states,  and  from  a  failure  of  punctuality  in 
others,  while  they  tended  to  damp  the  zeal  of  those 
who  were  more  willing  to  exert  themselves,  served 
also  to  accumulate  the  expenses  of  the  war, and  to  frus- 


LETTER   TO   THE  GOVERNORS.        19 

trate  the  best  concerted  plans ;  and  that  the  discour 
agement  occasioned  by  the  complicated  difficulties  and 
embarrassments,  in  which  our  affairs  were  by  this 
means  involved,  would  have  long  ago  produced  the 
dissolution  of  any  army,  less  patient,  less  virtuous 
and  less  persevering,  than  that  which  I  have  had 
the  honor  to  command.  But,  while  I  mention 
those  things  which  are  notorious  facts,  as  the  de 
fects  of  our  federal  constitution,  particularly  in  the 
prosecution  of  a  war,  I  beg  it  may  be  understood, 
that,  as  I  have  ever  taken  a  pleasure  in  gratefully 
acknowledging  the  assistance  and  support  I  have 
derived  from  every  class  of  citizens,  so  I  shall  al 
ways  be  happy  to  do  justice  to  the  unparalleled 
exertions  of  the  individual  states  on  many  interest 
ing  occasions. 

I  have  thus  freely  disclosed  what  I  wished  to 
make  known  before  I  surrendered  up  my  public 
trust  to  those  who  committed  it  to  me.  The  task  is 
now  accomplished;  I  now  bid  adieu  to  your  excel 
lency,  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  your  state ;  at  the 
same  time  I  bid  a  last  farewell  to  the  cares  of 
office,  and  all  the  employments  of  public  life. 

It  remains,  then,  to  be  my  final  and  only  request, 
that  your  excellency  will  communicate  these  senti 
ments  to  your  Legislature  at  their  next  meeting,  and 
that  they  may  be  considered  as  the  legacy  of  one  who 
has  ardently  wished,  on  all  occasions,  to  be  useful 
to  his  country,  and  who,  even  in  the  shade  of  re 
tirement,  will  not  fail  to  implore  the  Divine  benedic* 
tion  upon  it. 

I  now  make  it  my  earnest  prayer,  that  GtocJ  would 


20       THE   W02WX  UJf 

have  you,  and  the  state  over  which  you  preside,  in 
his  holy  protection;  that  he  would  incline  the 
hearts  of  the  citizens  to  cultivate  a  spirit  of  subordi 
nation  and  obedience  to  government;  to  entertain  a 
brotherly  affection  and  love  for  one  another;  for 
their  fellow-citizens  of  the  United  States  at  large; 
and  particularly  for  their  brethren  who  have  served 
in  the  field;  and,  finally,  that  he  would  most  gra 
ciously  be  pleased  to  dispose  us  all  to  do  justice,  to 
love  mercy,  and  to  demean  ourselves  with  that 
charity,  humility,  and  pacific  temper  of  the  mind, 
which  were  the  characteristics  of  the  Divine  Author 
of  our  blessed  religion,  without  an  humble  imitation 
of  whose  example,  in  these  things,  we  can  never 
hope  to  be  a  happy  nation. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  much  esteem  and  re 
spect,  sir,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


FAREWELL  TO  THE  AKMY. 

Princeton^  November  2,  1783. 

THE  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  after 
giving  the  most  honorable  testimony  to  the  merits  of 
the  federal  armies,  and  presenting  them  with  the 
thanks  of  their  country  for  their  long,  eminent,  and 
faithful  services,  having  thought  proper,  by  their 
proclamation  bearing  date  the  18th  day  of  October 
last,  to  discharge  such  part  of  the  troops  as  were 
engaged  for  the  war,  and  to  permit  the  officers  on 


FAREWELL  TO    THE  ARMY.          21 

furloughs  to  retire  from  service,  from  and  after  to 
morrow;  which  proclamation  having  been  commu 
nicated  in  the  public  papers  for  the  information  and 
government  of  all  concerned,  it  only  remains  for  the 
Commander-in  chief  to  address  himself  once  more, 
and  that  for  the  last  time,  to  the  armies  of  the 
United  States  (however  widely  dispersed  the  individ 
uals  who  composed  them  may  be),  and  to  bid  them 
an  affectionate,  a  long  farewell. 

But  before  the  Commander-in-chief  takes  his  final 
leave  of  those  he  holds  most  dear,  he  wishes  to  in 
dulge  himself  a  few  moments  in  calling  to  mind  a 
slight  review  of  the  past.  He  will  then  take  the 
liberty  of  exploring  with  his  military  frienOis  their 
future  prospects,  of  advising  the  general  line  ot  con 
duct,  which,  in  his  opinion,  ought  to  be  pursued; 
and  he  will  conclude  the  address  by  expressing  the 
obligations  he  feels  himself  under  for  the  spirited 
and  able  assistance  he  has  experienced  from  them, 
in  the  performance  of  an  arduous  office. 

A  contemplation  of  the  complete  attainment  (at  a 
period  earlier  than  could  have  been  expected)  of  the 
object,  for  which  we  contended  against  to  lurmidable 
a  power,  cannot  but  inspire  us  with  astonishment 
and  gratitude.  The  disadvantageous  circumstances 
on  our  part,  under  which  the  war  w;*3  undertaken, 
can  never  be  forgotten.  The  singutar  interpositions 
of  Providence  in  our  feeble  condition  were  such,  as 
could  scarcely  escape  the  attention  of  the  most  unob- 
serving;  while  the  unparalleled  pet-severance  of  the 
armies  of  the  United  States,  through  almost  every 
possible  suffering  and  discouragement  for  the  space 


22       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

of  eight  long  years,  was  little  short  of  a  standing 
miracle. 

It  is  not  the  meaning  nor  within  the  compass  of 
this  address,  to  detail  the  hardships  peculiarly  inci 
dent  to  our  service,  or  to  describe  the  distresses 
which  in  several  instances  have  resulted  from  the  ex 
tremes  of  hunger  and  nakedness,  combined  with  the 
rigors  of  an  inclement  season;  nor  is  it  necessary  to 
dwell  on  the  dark  side  of  our  past  affairs.  Every 
American  officer  and  soldier  must  now  console  him 
self  for  any  unpleasant  circumstances  which  may 
have  occurred,  by  a  recollection  of  the  uncommon 
scenes  of  which  he  has  been  called  to  act  no  in 
glorious  part,  and  the  astonishing  events  of  which  he 
has  been  a  witness;  events  which  have  seldom,  if 
ever  before,  taken  place  on  the  stage  of  human  action 
nor  can  they  probably  ever  happen  again.  For  who 
has  before  seen  a  disciplined  army  formed  at  once 
from  such  raw  materials?  "Who,  that  was  not  a  wit 
ness,  could  imagine,  that  the  most  violent  local 
prejudices  would  cease  so  soon;  and  that  men,  who 
came  from  the  different  parts  of  the  continent, 
strongly  disposed  by  the  habits  of  education  to  de- 
pise  and  quarrel  with  each  other,  would  instantly 
become  but  one  patriotic  baud  of  brothers  ?  Or 
who,  that  was  not  on  the  spot,  can  trace  the  steps  by 
which  such  a  wonderful  revolution  has  been  effected, 
and  such  a  glorious  period  put  to  all  our  warlike 
toils? 

It  is  universally  acknowledged  that  the  enlarged 
prospects  of  happiness,  opened  by  the  confirmation 
of  our  independence  and  sovereignty,  almost  exceed 


FAREWELL  TO  THE  ARMY.  23 

the  power  of  description.  And  shall  not  the  brave 
men,  who  have  contributed  so  essentially  to  these 
inestimable  acquisitions,  retiring  victorious  from  the 
field  of  war  to  the  field  of  agriculture,  participate  in 
all  the  blessings  which  have  been  obtained?  In 
such  a  republic,  who  will  exclude  them  from  the 
rights  of  citizens,  and  the  fruits  of  their  labor?  In 
such  a  country,  so  happily  circumstanced,  the  pur 
suits  of  commerce  and  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  will 
unfold  to  industry  the  certain  road  to  competence. 
To  those  hardy  soldiers,  who  are  actuated  by  the 
spirit  of  adventure,  the  fisheries  will  afford  ample 
and  profitable  employment;  and  the  extensive  and 
fertile  regions  of  the  West  will  yield  a  most  happy 
asylum  to  those  who,  fond  of  domestic  enjoyment, 
are  seeking  for  personal  independence.  JSTor  is  it 
possible  to  conceive  that  any  one  of  the  United 
States  will  prefer  a  national  bankruptcy,  and  a  dis 
solution  of  the  Union,  to  a  compliance  with  the 
requisitions  of  Congress,  and  the  payment  of  its  just 
debts;  so  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  may  expect 
considerable  assistance,  in  recommencing  their  civil 
occupations,  from  the  sums  due  to  them  from  the 
public,  which  must  and  will  most  inevitably  be  paid. 
In  order  to  effect  this  desirable  purpose,  and  to 
remove  the  prejudices  which  may  have  taken  pos 
session  of  the  minds  of  any  of  the  good  people  of  the 
states,  it  is  earnestly  recommended  to  all  the  troops 
that,  with  strong  attachments  to  the  Union,  they 
should  carry  with  them  into  civil  society  the  most 
conciliating  dispositions,  and  that  they  should  prove 
themselves  not  less  virtuous  and  useful  as  citizens 


24        THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

than  they  have  been  persevering  and  victorious  as 
soldiers.  What  though  there  should  be  some  envious 
individuals,  who  are  unwilling  to  pay  the  debt  the 
public  has  contracted,  or  to  yield  the  tribute  due  to 
merit;  yet  let  such  unworthy  treatment  produce  no 
invectives,  nor  any  instance  of  intemperate  conduct. 
Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  unbiased  voice  of  the 
free  citizens  of  the  United  States  has  promised  the 
just  reward  and  given  the  merited  applause.  Let  it 
be  known  and  remembered  that  the  reputation  of  the 
federal  armies  is  established  beyond  the  reach  of 
malevolence;  and  let  a  consciousness  of  their 
achievements  and  fame  still  incite  the  men  who 
composed  them  to  honorable  actions;  under  the  per 
suasion  that  the  private  virtues  of  economy,  pru 
dence  and  industry  will  not  be  less  amiable  in  civil 
life  than  the  more  splendid  qualities  of  valor,  perse 
verance  and  enterprise  were  in  the  field.  Every  one 
may  rest  assured  that  much,  very  much  of  the  future 
happiness  of  the  officers  and  men  will  depend  upon 
the  wise  and  manly  conduct  which  shall  be  adopted 
by  them  when  they  are  mingled  with  the  great  body 
of  the  community.  And  although  the  General  has 
so  frequently  given  it  as  his  opinion  in  the  most 
public  and  explicit  manner  that,  unless  the  princi 
ples  of  the  Federal  Government  were  properly  sup 
ported,  and  the  powers  of  the  Union  increased,  the 
honor,  dignity  and  justice  of  the  nation  would  be 
lost  forever;  yet  he  cannot  help  repeating  on  this 
occasion  so  interesting  a  sentiment,  and  leaving  it  as 
his  last  injunction  to  every  officer  and  every  soldier, 
who  may  view  the  subject  in  the  same  serious  point 


FAREWELL   TO   THE  ARMY  25 

of  light,  to  add  his  best  endeavors  to  those  of  his 
worthy  fellow-citizens  toward  effecting  these  great 
and  valuable  purposes,  on  which  our  very  existence 
as  a  nation  so  materially  depends. 

The  Commander-in-chief  conceives  little  is  now 
wanting  to  enable  the  soldiers  to  change  the  military 
character  into  that  of  the  citizen,  but  that  steady  and 
decent  tenor  of  behavior  which  has  generally  distin 
guished,  not  only  the  army  under  his  immediate 
command,  but  the  different  detachments  and  separate 
armies  through  the  course  of  the  war.  From  their 
good  sense  and  prudence  he  anticipates  the  happiest 
consequences,  and  while  he  congratulates  them  on 
the  glorious  occasion  which  renders  their  services  in 
the  fieki  no  longer  necessary,  he  wishes  to  express 
the  strong  obligations  he  feels  himself  under  for  the 
assistance  he  has  received  from  every  class  and  in 
every  instance.  He  presents  his  thanks  in  the  most 
serious  and  affectionate  manner  to  the  general  officers, 
as  well  for  their  counsel  on  many  interesting  occa 
sions,  as  for  their  ardor  in  promoting  the  success  of 
the  plans  he  had  adopted;  to  the  commandants  of 
regiments  and  corps,  and  to  the  other  officers,  for 
their  great  zeal  and  attention  in  carrying  his  orders 
promptly  into  execution ;  to  the  staff,  for  their  alac 
rity  and  exactness  in  performing  the  duties  of  their 
several  departments;  and  to  the  non-commissioned 
officers  and  private  soldiers,  for  their  extraordinary 
patience  and  suffering,  as  well  as  their  invincible 
fortitude  in  action.  To  the  various  branches  of  the 
army  the  General  takes  this  last  and  solemn  oppor 
tunity  of  professing  his  inviolable  attachment  and 


26       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

friendship.  He  wishes  more  than  bare  professions 
were  in  his  power;  that  he  were  really  able  to  be 
useful  to  them  all  in  future  life.  He  flatters  himself, 
however,  they  will  do  him  the  justice  to  believe,  that 
whatever  could  with  propriety  be  attempted  by  him 
has  been  done. 

And  being  now  to  conclude  these  his  last  public 
orders,  to  take  his  ultimate  leave  in  a  short  time  of 
the  military  character,  and  to  bid  a  final  adieu  to  the 
armies  he  has  so  long  had  the  honor  to  command,  he 
can  only  again  offer  in  their  behalf  his  recommenda 
tions  to  their  grateful  country,  and  his  prayers  to  the 
God  of  armies.  May  ample  justice  be  done  them 
here,  and  may  the  choicest  of  Heaven's  favors,  both 
here  and  hereafter,  attend  those  who,  under  the 
Divine  auspices,  have  secured  innumerable  blessings 
for  others.  With  these  wishes  and  his  benediction, 
the  Commander-in-chief  is  about  to  retire  from  ser 
vice.  The  curtain  of  separation  will  soon  be  drawn, 
and  the  military  scene  to  him  will  be  closed  forever. 


RESIGNATION  OF  COMMISSION. 

New  York,  December  23.  1783. 

MR.  PRESIDENT:  The  great  events  on  which  my 
resignation  depended  having  at  length  taken  place, 
I  have  now  the  honor  of  offering  my  sincere  con 
gratulations  to  Congress,  and  of  presenting  myself 
before  them  to  surrender  into  their  hands  the  trust 
committed  to  me,  and  to  claim  the  indulgence  of 
retiring  from  the  service  of  my  country. 


RESIGNATION  OF  COMMISSION.       27 

Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  independence 
and  sovereignty,  and  pleased  with  the  opportunity 
afforded  the  United  States  of  becoming  a  respectable 
nation,  I  resign,  with  satisfaction,  the  appointment  I 
accepted  with  diffidence;  a  diffidence  in  my  abilities 
to  accomplish  so  arduous  a  task,  which,  however, 
was  superseded  by  a  confidence  in  the  rectitude  of 
our  cause,  the  support  of  the  Supreme  Power  of  the 
Union,  and  the  patronage  of  Heaven. 

The  successful  termination  of  the  war  has  verified 
the  most  sanguine  expectations;  and  my  gratitude 
for  the  interposition  of  Providence,  and  the  assist 
ance  I  have  received  from  my  countrymen,  increases 
with  every  review  of  the  momentous  contest. 

While  I  repeat  my  obligations  to  the  army  in  gen 
eral,  I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own  feelings  not  to 
acknowledge,  in  this  place,  the  peculiar  services  and 
distinguished  merits  of  the  persons  who  have  been 
attached  to  my  person  during  the  war.  It  was  im 
possible  the  choice  of  confidential  officers  to  compose 
my  family  could  have  been  more  fortunate.  Permit 
me,  sir,  to  recommend  in  particular  those  who  have 
continued  in  the  service  to  the  present  moment  as 
worthy  of  the  favorable  notice  and  patronage  of 
Congress. 

I  consider  it  as  an  indispensable  duty  to  close  this 
last  solemn  act  of  my  official  life,  by  commending 
the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to  the  protection 
of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the  superin 
tendence  of  them  to  his  holy  keeping. 

Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I  retire 
from  the  great  theater  of  action;  and,  bidding  an  af- 


28       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

fectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body  under  whose 
orders  I  have  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my  commission, 
and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employments  of  public 
life. 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

New  York,  April  30,  1789. 

FELLOW  CITIZENS  OF  THE  SENATE  AND  OF  THE 
HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES — Among  the  vicissi 
tudes  incident  to  life,  no  event  could  have  filled  me 
with  greater  anxieties  than  that,  of  which  the  notifi 
cation  was  transmitted  by  your  order,  and  received 
on  the  fourth  day  of  the  present  month.  On  the  one 
hand,  I  was  summoned  by  my  country,  whose  voice 
I  can  never  hear  but  with  veneration  and  love,  from 
a  retreat  which  I  had  chosen  with  the  fondest  predi 
lection,  and,  in  my  flattering  hopes,  with  an  immuta 
ble  decision  as  the  asylum  of  my  declining  years ;  a 
retreat  which  was  rendered  every  day  more  necessary 
as  well  as  more  dear  to  me,  by  the  addition  of  habit 
to  inclination,  and  of  frequent  interruptions  in  my 
health  to  the  gradual  waste  committed  on  it  by  time, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  magnitude  and  difficulty  of 
the  trust  to  which  the  voice  of  my  country  called 
me,  being  sufficient  to  awaken,  in  the  wisest  and 
most  experienced  of  her  citizens,  a  distrustful  scru 
tiny  into  his  qualifications,  could  not  but  overwhelm 
with  despondence  one  who,  inheriting  inferior  en 
dowments  from  nature,  and  unpractised  in  the  duties 
of  civil  administration,  ought  to  be  peculiarly  consci- 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS.  29 

ous  of  his  own  deficiencies.  In  this  conflict  of  emo 
tions,  all  I  dare  aver  is,  that  it  has  been  my  faithful 
study  to  collect  my  duty  from  a  just  appreciation  of 
every  circumstance  by  which  it  might  be  affected. 
All  I  dare  hope  is,  that  if,  in  executing  this  task,  I 
have  been  too  much  swayed  by  a  grateful  remem 
brance  of  former  instances,  or  by  an  affectionate  sen 
sibility  to  this  transcendent  proof  of  the  confidence 
rf  my  fellow-citizens,  and  have  thence  too  little  con 
sulted  my  incapacity  as  well  as  disinclination  for  the 
weighty  and  untried  cares  before  me,  my  error  will 
be  palliated  by  the  motives  which  misled  me,  and  its 
consequences  be  judged  by  my  country,  with  some 
share  of  the  partiality  in  which  they  originated. 

Such  being  the  impressions  under  which  I  have, 
in  obedience  to  the  public  summons,  repaired  to  the 
present  station,  it  would  be  peculiarly  improper  to 
omit,  in  this  first  official  act,  my  fervent  supplica 
tions  to  that  Almighty  Being,  who  rules  over  the 
universe,  who  presides  in  the  councils  of  nations, 
and  whose  providential  aids  can  supply  every  human 
defect,  that  His  benediction  may  consecrate  to  the 
liberties  and  happiness  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  a  government  instituted  by  themselves  for 
these  essential  purposes,  and  may  enable  every  in 
strument  emplo3'ed  in  its  administration,  to  execute, 
with  success,  the  functions  allotted  to  his  charge. 
In  tendering  this  homage  to  the  Great  Author  of 
every  public  and  private  good,  I  assure  myself  that 
it  expresses  your  sentiments  not  less  than  my  own; 
nor  those  of  my  fellow-citizens  at  large  less  than 
either.  No  people  can  be  bound  to  acknowledge  and 


30       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

adore  the  invisible  hand  which  conducts  the  affairs 
of  men,  more  than  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
Every  step  by  which  they  have  advanced  to  the 
character  of  an  independent  nation,  seems  to  have 
been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  providential 
agency.  And,  in  the  important  revolution  just  ac 
complished,  in  the  system  of  their  united  govern 
ment,  the  tranquil  deliberations  and  voluntary  con 
sent  of  so  many  distinct  communities,  from  which 
the  event  has  resulted,  cannot  be  compared  with  the 
means  by  which  most  governments  have  been  estab 
lished,  without  some  return  of  pious  gratitude,  along 
with  an  humble  anticipation  of  the  future  blessings, 
which  the  past  seems  to  presage.  These  reflections, 
arising  out  of  the  present  crisis,  have  forced  them 
selves  too  strongly  on  my  mind  to  be  suppressed. 
You  will  join  with  me,  I  trust,  in  thinking  that 
there  are  none  under  the  influence  of  which  the  pro 
ceedings  of  a  new  and  free  government  can  more  au 
spiciously  commence. 

By  the  article  establishing  the  executive  depart 
ment,  it  is  made  the  duty  of  the  president  "to  re 
commend  to  your  consideration  such  measures  as  he 
shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient."  The  circum 
stances  under  which  I  now  meet  you  will  acquit  me 
from  entering  into  that  subject  farther  than  to  refer 
you  to  the  great  constitutional  charter  under  which 
we  are  assembled;  and  which,  in  defining  your 
powers,  designates  the  objects  to  which  your  atten 
tion  is  to  be  given.  It  will  be  more  consistent  with 
those  circumstances,  and  far  more  congenial  with  the 
feelings  which  actuate  me,  to  substitute,  in  place  of 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS.  31 

a  recommendation  of  particular  measures,  the  tribute 
that  is  due  to  the  talents,  the  rectitude,  and  the  pa 
triotism  which  adorn  the  characters  selected  to  devise 
and  adopt  them.  In  these  honorable  qualifications, 
I  behold  the  surest  pledges,  that  as,  on  one  side,  no 
local  prejudices  or  attachments,  no  separate  views 
nor  party  animosities  will  misdirect  the  comprehen 
sive  and  equal  eye  which  ought  to  watch  over  this 
great  assemblage  of  communities  and  interests — so, 
on  another,  that  the  foundations  of  our  national  po 
licy  will  be  laid  in  the  pure  and  immutable  princi 
ples  of  private  morality;  and  the  pre-eminence  of  a 
free  government  be  exemplified  by  all  the  attributes 
which  can  win  the  affections  of  its  citizens,  and 
command  the  respect  of  the  world. 

I  dwell  on  this  prospect  with  every  satisfaction 
which  an  ardent  love  for  my  country  can  inspire; 
since  there  is  no  truth  more  thoroughly  established 
than  that  there  exists,  in  the  economy  and  course  of 
nature,  an  indissoluble  uuion  between  virtue  and 
happiness — between  duty  and  advantage — between 
the  genuine  maxims  of  an  honest  and  magnanimous 
policy  and  the  solid  rewards  of  public  prosperity  and 
felicity — since  we  ought  to  be  no  less  persuaded  that 
the  propitious  smiles  of  Heaven  can  never  be  ex 
pected  on  a  nation  that  disregards  the  eternal  rules 
of  order  and  right  which  Heaven  itself  has  ordained 
— and  since  the  preservation  of  the  sacred  life  of  li 
berty,  and  the  destiny  of  the  republican  model  of 
government,  are  justly  considered  as  deeply,  perhaps, 
as  finally  staked,  on  the  experiment  entrusted  to  the 
hands  of  the  American  people. 


32       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Besides  the  ordinary  objects  submitted  to  your 
care,  it  will  remain  with  your  judgment  to  decide 
how  far  an  exercise  of  the  occasional  power  dele 
gated  by  the  fifth  article  of  the  constitution  is  rendered 
expedient,  at  the  present  juncture,  by  the  nature  of 
objections  which  have  been  urged  against  the  system 
or  by  the  degree  of  inquietude  which  has  given  birth 
to  them.  Instead  of  undertaking  particular  recom 
mendations  on  this  subject,  in  which  I  could  be  guided 
by  no  lights  derived  from  official  opportunities,  I  shall 
again  give  way  to  my  entire  confidence  in  your  dis 
cernment  and  pursuit  of  the  public  good.  For,  I  as 
sure  myself,  that,  whilst  you  carefully  avoid  every 
alteration  which  might  endanger  the  benefits  of  an 
united  and  effective  government,  or  which  ought  to 
await  the  future  lessons  of  experience,  a  reverence 
for  the  characteristic  rights  of  freemen,  and  a  regard 
for  the  public  harmony,  will  sufficiently  influence 
your  deliberations  on  the  question,  how  far  the 
former  can  be  more  impregnably  fortified,  or  the 
latter  be  safely  and  more  advantageously  promoted. 

To  the  preceding  observations  I  have  one  to  add, 
which  will  be  most  properly  addressed  to  the  House 
of  Representatives.  It  concerns  myself,  and  will 
therefore  be  as  brief  as  possible. 

When  I  was  first  honored  with  a  call  into  the  ser 
vice  of  my  country,  then  on  the  eve  of  an  arduous 
struggle  for  its  liberties,  the  light  in  which  I  contem 
plated  my  duty,  required  that  I  should  renounce 
every  pecuniary  compensation.  From  this  resolu 
tion  I  have  in  no  instance  departed.  And  being  still 
under  the  impression  which  produced  it,  I  must  de« 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  33 

cline,  as  inapplicable  to  myself,  any  share  in  the 
personal  emoluments,  which  may  be  indispensably 
included  in  a  permanent  provision  for  the  executive 
department:  and  must  accordingly  pray  that  the  pe 
cuniary  estimates  for  the  station  in  which  I  am 
placed,  may,  during  my  continuation  in  it,  be  lim 
ited  to  such  actual  expenditures  as  the  public  good 
may  be  thought  to  lequire. 

Having  thus  imparted  to  you  my  sentiments,  as 
they  have  been  awakened  by  the  occasion  which 
brings  us  together,  I  shall  take  my  present  leave,  but 
not  without  resorting  once  more  to  the  benign 
Parent  of  the  human  race,  in  humble  supplication, 
that,  since  he  has  been  pleased  to  favor  the  American 
people  with  opportunities  for  deliberating  in  perfect 
tranquillity,  and  dispositions  for  deciding  with  un 
paralleled  unanimity,  on  a  form  of  government  for 
the  security  of  their  union,  and  the  advancement  of 
their  happiness,  so  his  divine  blessing  may  be  equally 
conspicuous  in  the  enlarged  views,  the  temperate 
consultations,  and  the  wise  measures  on  which  the 
success  of  this  government  must  depend. 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS. 

United  States,  September  17, 1796. 
FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW  CITIZENS — The  period  for 
a  new  election  of  a  citizen,  to  administer  the  execu 
tive  government  of  the  United  States,  being  not  far 
distant,  and  the  time  actually  arrived,  when  your 
thoughts  must  be  employed  in  designating  the  person 


34       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

who  is  to  be  clothed  with  that  important  trust,  it  ap 
pears  to  me  proper,  especially  as  it  may  conduct  to 
a  more  distinct  expression  of  the  public  voice,  that  I 
should  now  apprise  you  of  the  resolution  I  have 
formed,  to  decline  being  considered  among  the  num 
ber  of  those  out  of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be  made. 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  me  the  justice 
to  be  assured,  that  this  resolution  has  not  been  taken 
without  a  strict  regard  to  all  the  considerations  ap 
pertaining  to  the  relation  which  binds  a  dutiful  citi 
zen  to  his  country;  and  that,  in  withdrawing  the 
tender  of  service,  which  silence  in  my  situation  might 
imply,  I  am  influenced  by  no  diminution  of  zeal  for 
your  future  interest ;  no  deficiency  of  grateful  respect 
for  your  past  kindness;  but  am  supported  by  a  full 
conviction  that  the  step  is  compatible  with  both. 

The  acceptance  of,  and  continuance  hitherto  in, 
the  office  to  which  your  suffrages  have  twice  called 
me,  have  been  a  uniform  sacrifice  of  inclination  to 
the  opinion  of  duty,  and  to  a  deference  for  what  ap 
peared  to  be  your  desire.  I  constantly  hoped,  that 
it  would  have  been  much  earlier  in  my  power,  con 
sistently  with  motives,  which  I  was  not  at  liberty  to 
disregard,  to  return  to  that  retirement  from  which  I 
had  been  reluctantly  drawn.  The  strength  of  my 
inclination  to  do  this,  previous  to  the  last  election, 
had  even  led  to  the  preparation  of  an  address  to  de 
clare  it  to  you ;  but  mature  reflection  on  the  then  per 
plexed  and  critical  posture  of  our  affairs  with  foreign 
nations,  and  the  unanimous  advice  of  persons  entitled 
to  my  confidence,  impelled  me  to  abandon  the  idea. 

I  rejoice  that  the  state  of  your  concerns,  external 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  35 

as  well  as  internal,  no  longer  renders  the  pursuit  of 
inclination  incompatible  with  the  sentiment  of  duty 
or  propriety;  and  ana  persuaded  whatever  partiality 
may  be  retained  for  my  services,  that,  in  the  present 
circumstances  of  our  country,  you  will  not  disap 
prove  my  determination  to  retire. 

The  impressions  with  which  I  first  undertook  the 
arduous  trust  were  explained  on  the  proper  occasion. 
In  the  discharge  of  this  trust  I  will  only  say  that  I 
have  with  good  intentions  contributed  toward  the 
organization  and  administration  of  the  government 
the  best  exertions  of  which  a  very  fallible  judgment 
was  capable.  Kot  unconscious  in  the  outset  of  the 
inferiority  of  my  qualifications,  experience  in  my 
own  eyes,  perhaps  still  more  in  the  eyes  of  others, 
has  strengthened  the  motives  to  diffidence  of  myself; 
and  every  day  the  increasing  weight  of  years  admon 
ishes  me  more  and  more  that  the  shade  of  retirement 
is  as  necessary  to  me  as  it  will  be  welcome.  Satisfied 
that  if  any  circumstances  have  given  peculiar  value 
to  my  services,  they  were  temporary,  I  have  the  con 
solation  to  believe  that,  while  choice  and  prudence 
invite  me  to  quit  the  political  scene,  patriotism  does 
not  forbid  it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the  moment  which  is  in 
tended  to  terminate  the  career  of  my  public  life,  my 
feelings  do  not  permit  me  to  suspend  the  deep  ac 
knowledgment  of  that  debt  of  gratitude  which  I  owe 
to  my  beloved  country  for  the  many  honors  it  has 
conferred  upon  me;  still  more  for  the  steadfast  con 
fidence  with  which  it  has  supported  me;  and  for  the 
opportunities  I  have  thence  enjoyed  of  manifesting 


36        THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

my  inviolable  attachment  by  services  faithful  and 
persevering,  though  in  usefulness  unequal  to  my 
zeal.  If  benefits  have  resulted  to  our  country  from 
these  services,  let  it  always  be  remembered  to  your 
praise,  and  as  an  instructive  example  in  our  annals, 
that  under  circumstances  in  which  the  passions,  agi 
tated  in  every  direction,  were  .  liable  to  mislead, 
amidst  appearances  sometimes  dubious,  vicissitudes 
of  fortune  often  discouraging,  in  situations  in  which 
not  unfrequently  want  of  success  has  countenanced 
the  spirit  of  criticism,  the  constancy  of  your  support 
was  the  essential  prop  of  the  efforts,  and  a  guarantee 
of  the  plans  by  which  they  were  effected.  Pro 
foundly  penetrated  with  this  idea,  I  shall  carry  it 
with  me  to  my  grave,  as  a  strong  incitement  to  un 
ceasing  vows  that  Heaven  may  continue  to  you  the 
choicest  tokens  of  its  beneficence;  that  your  union 
and  brotherly  affection  may  be  perpetual;  that  the 
free  constitution,  which  is  the  work  of  your  hands, 
may  be  sacredly  maintained;  that  its  administration 
in  every  department  may  be  stamped  with  wisdom 
and  virtue;  that,  in  fine,  the  happiness  of  the  people 
of  these  states,  under  the  auspices  of  liberty,  may  be 
made  complete,  by  so  careful  a  preservation  and  so 
prudent  a  use  of  this  blessing,  as  will  acquire  to  them 
the  glory  of  recommending  it  to  the  applause,  the 
affection  and  adoption  of  every  nation,  which  is  yet 
a  stranger  to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  stop.  But  a  solicitude 
for  your  welfare,  which  cannot  end  but  with  my 
life,  and  the  apprehension  of  danger,  natural  to  that 
solicitude,  urge  me,  on  an  occasion  like  the  present, 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  37 

to  offer  to  your  solemn  contemplation,  and  to  recom 
mend  to  your  frequent  review,  some  sentiments, 
which  are  the  result  of  much  reflection,  of  no  incon 
siderable  observation,  and  which  appear  to  me  all- 
important  to  the  permanency  of  your  felicity  as  a 
people.  These  will  be  offered  to  you  with  the  more 
freedom,  as  you  can  only  see  in  them  the  disinterested 
warnings  of  a  parting  friend,  who  can  possibly  have 
no  personal  motive  to  bias  his  counsel.  Nor  can  I 
forget,  as  an.  encouragement  to  it,  your  indulgent 
reception  of  my  sentiments  on  a  former  and  not 
dissimilar  occasion. 

Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every 
ligament  of  your  hearts,  no  recommendation  of 
mine  is  necessary  to  fortify  or  confirm  the  attach 
ment. 

The  unity  of  government,  which  constitutes  you 
one  people,  is  also  now  dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so; 
for  it  is  a  main  pillar  in  the  edifice  of  your  real  inde 
pendence,  the  support  of  your  tranquility  at  home, 
your  peace  abroad;  of  your  safety;  of  your  prosper, 
ity ;  of  that  very  liberty,  which  you  so  highly  prize. 
But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee,  that  from  different  causes 
and  from  different  quarters  much  pains  will  be  taken, 
many  artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds 
the  conviction  of  this  truth;  as  this  is  the  point  in 
your  political  fortress  against  which  the  batteries  of 
internal  and  external  enemies  will  be  most  constantly 
and  actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insidiously) 
directed,  it  is  of  infinite  moment  that  you  should 
properly  estimate  the  immense  value  of  your  national 
union  to  your  collective  and  individual  happiness; 


38       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

that  you  should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual,  and  im 
movable  attachment  to  it;  accustoming  yourselves  to 
think  and  speak  of  it  as  of  the  palladium  of  your 
political  safety  and  prosperity;  watching  for  its 
preservation  with  jealous  anxiety;  discountenancing 
whatever  may  suggest  even  a  suspicion  that  it  can  in 
any  event  be  abandoned;  and  indignantly  frowning 
upon  the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate 
any  portion  of  our  country  from  the  rest,  or  to  en 
feeble  the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the 
various  parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy 
and  interest.  Citizens,  by  birth  or  choice,  of  a  common 
country,  that  country  has  a  right  to  concentrate  your 
affections.  The  name  of  America,  which  belongs  to 
you,  in  your  national  capacity,  must  always  exalt 
the  just  pride  of  patriotism,  more  than  any  appella 
tion  derived  from  local  discriminations.  With  slight 
shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion, 
manners,  habits  and  political  principles.  You  have 
in  a  common  cause  fought  and  triumphed  together; 
the  independence  and  liberty  you  possess  are  the 
work  of  joint  counsels  and  joint  efforts,  of  common 
dangers,  sufferings  and  successes. 

But  these  considerations,  however  powerfully  they 
address  themselves  to  your  sensibility,  are  greatly 
outweighed  by  those  which  apply  more  immediately 
to  your  interest.  Here  every  portion  of  our  country 
finds  the  most  commanding  motives  for  carefully 
guarding  and  preserving  the  union  of  the  whole. 

The  North,  in  an  unrestrained  intercourse  with  the 
South,  protected  by  the  equal  laws  of  a  common 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  39 

government,  finds  in  the  productions  of  the  latter, 
great  additional  resources  of  maritime  and  commer 
cial  enterprise  and  precious  materials  of  manufac- 
ing  industry.  The  South,  in  the  same  intercourse, 
benefiting  by  the  agency  of  the  North,  see  its  agri 
culture  grow  and  its  commerce  expand.  Turning 
partly  into  its  own  channels  the  seamen  of  the  North, 
it  finds  its  particular  navigation  invigorated;  and, 
while  it  contributes  in  different  ways  to  nourish  and 
increase  the  general  mass  of  the  national  navigation, 
it  looks  forward  to  the  protection  of  a  maritime 
strength,  to  which  itself  is  unequally  adapted.  The 
East,  in  a  like  intercourse  with  the  West,  already 
finds,  and  in  the  progressive  improvement  of  interior 
communications  by  land  and  water  will  more  and 
more  find,  a  valuable  vent  for  the  commodities  which 
it  brings  from  abroad,  or  manufactures  at  home. 
The  West  derives  from  the  East  supplies  requisite  to 
its  growth  and  comfort,  and  what  is  perhaps  of  still 
greater  consequence,  it  must  of  necessity  owe  the 
secure  enjoyment  of  indispensable  outlets  for  its  own 
productions  to  the  weight,  influence  and  the  future 
maritime  strength  of  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  Union, 
directed  by  an  indissoluble  community  of  interest  as 
one  nation.  Any  other  tenure  by  which  the  West 
can  hold  this  essential  advantage,  whether  derived 
from  its  own  separate  strength,  or  from  an  apostate 
and  unnatural  connection  with  any  foreign  power, 
must  be  intrinsically  precarious. 

While,  then,  in  every  part  of  our  country  thus 
feels  an  immediate  and  particular  interest  in  union, 
all  the  parts  combined  cannot  fail  to  find  in  the  united 


40       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

mass  of  means  and  efforts  greater  strength,  greater 
resource,  proportionally  greater  security  from  exter 
nal  danger,  a  less  frequent  interruption  of  their  peace 
by  foreign  nations,  and,  what  is  of  inestimable  value, 
they  must  derive  from  union  an  exemption  from 
those  broils  and  wars  between  themselves,  which  so 
frequently  afflict  neighboring  countries  not  tied  to 
gether  by  the  same  governments,  which  their  own 
rivalships  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  produce,  but 
which  opposite  foreign  alliances,  attachments  and 
intrigues  would  stimulate  and  embitter.  Hence, 
likewise,  they  will  avoid  the  necessity  of  those  over 
grown  military  establishments,  which,  under  any 
form  of  government,  are  inauspicious  to  liberty,  and 
which  are  to  be  regarded  as  particularly  hostile  to  re 
publican  liberty.  In  this  sense  it  is,  that  your  union 
ought  to  be  considered  as  a  main  prop  of  your  liber 
ty,  and  that  the  love  of  the  one  ought  to  endear  to 
you  the  preservation  of  the  other. 

These  considerations  speak  a  persuasive  language 
to  every  reflecting  and  virtuous  mind,  and  exhibit 
the  continuance  of  the  Union  as  a  primary  object  of 
patriotic  desire.  Is  there  a  doubt  whether  a  common 
government  can  embrace  so  large  a  sphere  ?  Let 
experience  solve  it.  To  listen  to  mere  speculation 
in  such  a  case  were  criminal.  We  are  authorized  to 
hope,  that  a  proper  organization  of  the  whole,  with 
the  auxiliary  agency  of  governments  for  the  respective 
subdivisions,  will  afford  a  happy  issue  to  the  experi 
ment.  It  is  well  worth  a  fair  and  full  experi 
ment.  With  such  powerful  and  obvious  motives  to 
union,  affecting  all  parts  of  our  country,  while  ex- 


p  FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  41 

perience  shall  not  have  demonstrated  itsimpractica^. 
bility,  there  will  always  be  reason  to  distrust  the 
patriotism  of  those,  who  in  any  quarter  may  endea  - 
vor  to  weaken  its  bands. 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  disturb 
our  Union,  it  occurs  as  a  matter  of  serious  concern, 
that  any  ground  should  have  been  furnished  for 
characterizing  parties  by  geographical  discriminations 
Northern  and  Southern,  Atlantic  and  Western; 
whence  designing  men  may  endeavor  to  excite  a  be 
lief  that  there  is  a  real  difference  of  local  interests 
and  views.  One  of  the  expedients  of  party  to  ac 
quire  influence,  within  particular  districts,  is  to  mis 
represent  the  opinions  and  aims  of  other  districts. 
You  cannot  shield  yourselves  too  much  against  the 
jealousies  and  heart-burnings,  which  spring  from 
these  misrepresentations;  they  tend  to  render  alien  to 
each  other  those  who  ought  to  be  bound  together 
by  fraternal  affection.  The  inhabitants  of  our  west 
ern  country  have  lately  had  a  useful  lesson  on  this 
head ;  they  have  seen,  in  the  negotiation  by  the  Ex 
ecutive,  and  in  the  unanimous  ratification  by  the 
Senate,  of  the  treaty  with  Spain,  and  in  the  univer 
sal  satisfaction  at  that  event,  throughout  the  Uniled 
States,  a  decisive  proof  how  unfounded  were  the 
suspicions  propagated  among  them  of  a  policy  in  the 
General  Government  and  in  the  Atlantic  States  un 
friendly  to  their  interests  in  regard  to  the  Mississippi; 
they  have  been  witnesses  to  the  formation  of  two 
treaties,  that  with  Great  Britain  and  that  with  Spain, 
which  secure  to  them  every  thing  they  could  desire, 
in  respect  to  our  foreign  relations,  towards  confirm- 


42       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

ing  their  prosperity.  Will  it  not  be  their  wisdom  to 
rely  for  the  preservation  of  these  advantages  on  the 
Union  by  which  they  were  procured?  Will  they  not 
henceforth  be  deaf  to  those  advisers,  if  such  there 
are,  who  would  sever  them  from  their  brethren  and 
connect  them  with  aliens? 

To  the  efficacy  and  permanency  of  your  Union,  a 
Government  for  the  whole  is  indispensable.  No  al 
liances,  however  strict,  between  the  parts  can  be  an 
adequate  substitute ;  they  must  inevitably  experience 
the  infractions  and  interruptions,  which  all  alliances 
in  all  times  have  experienced.  Sensible  of  this  mo 
mentous  truth,  you  have  improved  upon  your  first 
essay,  by  the  adoption  of  a  Constitution  of  Govern 
ment  better  calculated  than  your  former  for  an  inti 
mate  Union,  and  for  the  efficacious  management  of 
your  common  concerns.  This  Government,  the  off 
spring  of  our  own  choice,  uninfluenced  and  unawed, 
adopted  upon  full  investigation  and  mature  delibera 
tion,  completely  free  in  its  principles,  in  the  distri 
bution  of  its  powers,  uniting  security  with  energy, 
and  containing  within  itself  a  provision  for  its  own 
amendment,  has  a  just  claim  to  your  confidence  and 
your  support.  Respect  for  its  authority,  compliance 
with  its  laws,  acquiescence  in  its  measures,  are 
duties  enjoined  by  the  fundamental  maxims  of  true 
Liberty.  The  basis  of  our  political  systems  is  the  right 
of  the  people  to  make  and  to  alter  their  constitutions 
of  government.  But  the  constitution  which  at  any 
time  exists,  till  changed  by  an  explicit  and  authentic 
act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory  upon 
all.  The  very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of  the 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  43 

people  to  establish  Government  presupposes  the  duty 
of  every  individual  to  obey  the  established  Govern 
ment. 

All  obstructions  to  the  execution  of  the  laws,  all 
combinations  and  associations,  under  whatever 
plausible  character,  with  the  real  design  to  direct, 
control,  counteract,  or  awe  the  regular  deliberation 
and  action  of  the  constituted  authorities,  are  destruc 
tive  of  this  fundamental  principle,  and  of  fatal  ten 
dency.  They  serve  to  organize  faction,  to  give  it  an 
artificial  and  extraordinary  force;  to  put,  in  the 
place  of  the  delegated  will  of  the  nation,  the  will  of 
a  party,  often  a  small  but  artful  and  enterprising 
minority  of  the  community;  and,  according  to  the 
alternate  triumphs  of  different  parties,  to  make  the 
public  administration  the  mirror  of  the  ill-concerted 
and  incongruous  projects  of  faction,  rather  than  the 
organ  of  consisted  and  wholesome  plans  digested  by 
common  counsels,  and  modified  by  mutual  inter 
ests. 

However  combinations  or  associations  of  the  above 
description  may  now  and  then  answer  popular  ends, 
they  are  likely  in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  to 
become  potent  engines,  by  which  cunning,  ambitious, 
and  unprincipled  men  will  be  enabled  to  subvert  the 
power  of  the  people,  and  to  usurp  for  themselves  the 
reins  of  government;  destroying  afterwards  the  very 
engines  which  have  lifted  them  to  unjust  dominion. 

Towards  the  preservation  of  your  government, 
and  the  permanency  of  your  present  happy  state,  it 
is  requisite,  not  only  that  you  steadily  discounte 
nance  irregular  oppositions  to  its  acknowledged  au* 


44       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

thority,  but  also  that  you  resist  with  care  the  spirit 
of  innovation  upon  its  principles,  however  specious 
the  pretexts.  One  method  of  assault  may  be  to 
effect,  in  the  forms  of  the  constitution,  alterations, 
which  will  impair  the  energy  of  the  system,  and 
thus  to  undermine  what  cannot  be  directly  over 
thrown.  In  all  the  changes  to  which  you  may  be 
invited,  remember  that  time  and  habit  are  at  least 
as  necessary  to  fix  the  true  character  of  governments, 
as  of  other  human  institutions;  that  experience  is 
the  surest  standard  by  which  to  test  the  real  tend 
ency  of  the  existing  constitution  of  a  country;  that 
facility  in  changes,  upon  the  credit  of  mere  hypoth 
esis  and  opinion,  exposes  to  perpetual  change,  from 
the  endless  variety  of  hypothesis  and  opinion;  and 
remember,  especially,  that,  for  the  efficient  manage 
ment  of  your  common  interests,  in  a  country  so  ex 
tensive  as  ours,  a  government  of  as  much  vigor  as  is 
consistent  with  the  perfect  security  of  liberty  is  in 
dispensable.  Liberty  itself  will  find  in  such  a  gov 
ernment,  with  powers  properly  distributed  and  ad 
justed,  its  surest  guardian.  It  is,  indeed,  little  else 
than  a  name,  where  the  government  is  too  feeble  to 
withstand  the  enterprises  of  faction,  to  confine  each 
member  of  the  society  within  the  limits  prescribed 
by  the  laws,  and  to  maintain  all  in  the  secure  and 
tranquil  enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  person  and  prop 
erty. 

I  have  already  intimated  to  you  the  danger  of  par 
ties  in  the  state,  with  particular  reference  to  the 
founding  of  them  on  geographical  discrimination. 
Let  me  now  take  a  more  comprehensive  view,  and 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  45 

warn  you  in  the  most  solemn  manner  against  the 
baneful  effects  of  the  spirit  of  party,  generally. 

This  spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from  our 
nature,  having  its  root  in  the  strongest  passions  of 
the  human  mind.  It  exists  under  different  shapes 
in  all  governments,  more  or  less  stifled,  controlled, 
or  repressed;  but,  in  those  of  the  popular  form  it  is 
seen  in  its  greatest  rankness,  and  is  truly  their  worst 
enemy. 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  an 
other,  sharpened  by  the  spirit  of  revenge,  natural  to 
party  dissension,  which  in  different  ages  and  coun 
tries  has  perpetrated  the  most  horrid  enormities,  is 
itself  a  frightful  despotism.  But  this  leads  at  length 
to  a  more  formal  and  permanent  despotism.  The 
disorders  and  miseries,  which  result,  gradually  in 
cline  the  minds  of  men  to  seek  security  and  repose 
in  the  absolute  power  of  an  individual;  and  sooner 
or  later  the  chief  of  some  prevailing  faction,  more 
able  or  more  fortunate  than  his  competitors,  turns 
this  disposition  to  the  purposes  of  his  own  elevation, 
on  the  ruins  of  public  liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of  this 
kind  (which  nevertheless  ought  not  to  be  entirely 
out  of  sight),  the  common  and  continual  mischiefs 
of  the  spirit  of  party  are  sufficient  to  make  it  the 
interest  and  duty  of  a  wise  people  to  discourage  and 
restrain  it. 

It  serves  always  to  distract  the  public  councils, 
and  enfeeble  the  public  administration.  It  agitates 
the  community  with  ill-founded  jealousies  and  false 
alarms;  kindles  the  animosity  of  one  part  against  an- 


46       THE   WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

other,  foments  occasionally  riot  and  insurrection. 
It  opens  the  doors  to  foreign  influence  and  corrup 
tion,  which  find  a  facilitated  access  to  the  govern 
ment  itself  through  the  channels  of  party  passions. 
Thus  the  policy  and  the  will  of  one  country  are  sub 
jected  to  the  policy  and  will  of  another. 

There  is  an  opinion,  that  parties  in  free  countries 
are  useful  checks  upon  the  administration  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and  serve  to  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  liberty. 
This  within  certain  limits  is  probably  true,  and  in 
governments  of  a  monarchical  cast,  patriotism  may 
look  with  indulgence,  if  not  with  favor,  upon  the 
spirit  of  party.  But  in  those  of  the  popular  charac 
ter,  in  governments  purely  elective,  it  is  a  spirit  not 
to  be  encouraged.  From  their  natural  tendency,  it 
is  certain  there  will  always  be  enough  of  that  spirit 
far  every  salutary  purpose.  And,  there  being  con 
stant  danger  of  excess,  the  etfort  ought  to  be,  by 
force  of  public  opinion  to  mitigate  and  assuage  it. 
A  fire  not  to  be  quenched,  it  demands  a  uniform  vigi 
lance  to  prevent  its  bursting  into  a  flame,  lest,  in 
stead  of  warming,  it  should  consume. 

It  is  important,  likewise,  that  the  habits  of  think 
ing  in  a  free  country  should  inspire  caution,  in  those 
intrusted  with  its  administration,  to  confine  them 
selves  within  their  respective  constitutional  spheres, 
avoiding  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  one  depart 
ment  to  encroach  upon  another.  The  spirit  of  en 
croachment  tends  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  all 
the  departments  in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever 
the  form  of  government,  a  real  despotism.  A  just 
estimate  of  that  love  of  power,  and  proneness  to 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  4T 

abuse  it,  which  predominates  in  the  human  heart,  is 
sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  the  truth  of  this  position. 
The  necessity  of  reciprocal  checks  in  the  exercise  of 
political  power,  by  dividing  and  distributing  it  into 
different  depositories,  and  constituting  each  the 
guardian  of  the  public  weal  against  invasions  by  the 
others,  has  been  evinced  by  experiments  ancient  and 
modern;  some  of  them  in  our  country  and  under  our 
own  eyes.  To  preserve  them  must  be  as  necessary 
as  to  institute  them.  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  peo- 
pie,  the  distribution  or  modification  of  the  constitu 
tional  powers  be  in  any  particular  wrong,  let  it  be 
corrected  by  an  amendment  in  the  way  which  the 
constitution  designates.  But  let  there  be  no  change 
by  usurpation;  for,  though  this,  in  one  instance, 
may  be  the  instrument  of  good,  it  is  the  customary 
weapon  by  which  free  governments  are  destroyed. 
The  precedent  must  always  greatly  overbalance  in 
permanent  evil  any  partial  or  transient  benefit,  which 
the  use  can  at  any  time  yield. 

Of  all  the  dispositions  and  habits,  which  lead  to 
political  prosperity,  religion  and  morality  are  indis 
pensable  supports.  In  vain  would  that  man  claim 
the  tribute  of  patriotism,  who  should  labor  to  sub 
vert  these  great  pillars  of  human  happiness,  these 
firmest  props  of  the  duties  of  men  and  citizens.  The 
mere  politician  equally  with  the  pious  man,  ought 
to  respect  and  to  cherish  them.  A  volume  could 
not  trace  all  their  connexions  with  private  and  public 
felicity.  Let  it  simply  be  asked,  Where  is  the 
security  for  property,  for  reputation,  for  life,  if  the 
sense  of  religious  obligation  desert  the  oaths,  which 


48       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

are  the  instruments  of  investigation  in  courts  of 
justice?  And  let  us  with  caution  indulge  the  sup 
position,  that  morality  can  be  maintained  without 
religion.  Whatever  may  be  conceded  to  the  influ 
ence  of  refined  education  on  minds  of  peculiar  struc 
ture,  reason  and  experience  both  forbid  us  to  expect, 
that  national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of 
religious  principle. 

It  is  substantially  true  that  virtue  or  morality  is  a 
necessary  spring  of  popular  government.  The  rule, 
indeed,  extends  with  more  or  less  force  to  every 
species  of  free  government.  Who,  that  is  a  sincere 
friend  to  it,  can  look  with  indifference  upon  attempts 
to  shake  the  foundation  of  the  fabric? 

Promote,  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  import 
ance  institutions  for  the  general  diffusion  of  knowl 
edge.  In  proportion  as  the  structure  of  a  govern 
ment  gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it  is  essential  that 
public  opinion  should  be  enlightened. 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and 
security,  cherish  public  credit.  One  method  of  pre 
serving  it  is,  to  use  it  as  sparingly  as  possible;  avoid 
ing  occasions  of  expense  by  cultivating  peace,  but 
remembering  also  that  timely  disbursements  to  pre 
pare  for  danger  frequently  prevent  much  greater 
disbursements  to  repel  it;  avoiding  likewise  the  ac 
cumulation  of  debt,  not  only  by  shunning  occasions 
of  expense,  but  by  vigorous  exertion  in  time  of  peace 
to  discharge  the  debts,  which  unavoidable  wars  may 
have  occasioned  not  ungenerously  throwing  upon 
posterity  the  burden  which  we  ourselves  ought  to 
bear.  The  execution  of  these  maxims  belongs  to 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  49 

your  representatives,  but  it  is  necessary  that  public 
opinion  should  co-operate.  To  facilitate  to  them  the 
performance  of  their  duty  it  is  essential  that  you 
should  practically  bear  in  mind,  that  towards  the 
payment  of  debts  there  must  be  revenue;  that  to 
have  revenue  there  must  be  taxes;  that  no  taxes  can 
be  devised  which  are  not  more  or  less  inconvenient 
and  unpleasant;  that  the  intrinsic  embarrassment, 
inseparable  Jfrom  the  selection  of  the  proper  objects 
(which  is  always  a  choice  of  difficulties),  ought  to  be 
a  decisive  motive  for  a  candid  construction  of  the 
conduct  of  the  government  in  making  it,  and  for  a 
spirit  of  acquiescence  in  the  measures  for  obtaining 
revenue,  which  the  public  exigencies  may  at  any 
time  dictate. 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  alt  nations; 
cultivate  peace  and  harmony  with  all.  Religion  and 
morality  enjoin  this  conduct;  and  can  it  be,  that 
good  policy  does  not  equally  enjoin  it?  It  will  be 
worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened,  and  at  no  distant 
period,  a  great  nation,  to  give  to  mankind  the  mag 
nanimous  and  too  novel  example  of  a  people  always 
guided  by  an  exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who 
can  doubt,  that  in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  the 
fruits  of  such  a  plan  would  richly  repay  any  tempor 
ary  advantages,  which  might  be  lost  by  a  steady  ad 
herence  to  it?  Can  it  be  that  Providence  has  not 
connected  the  permanent  felicity  of  a  nation  with  its 
virtue?  The  experiment,  at  least,  is  recommended 
by  every  sentiment  which  ennobles  human  mature. 
Alas!  is  it  rendered  impossible  by  its  vices? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan,  nothing  i*  more 


50       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

essential,  than  that  permanent,  inveterate  antipathies 
against  particular  nations,  and  passionate  attach 
ments  for  others,  should  be  excluded;  and  that,  in 
place  of  them,  just  and  amicable  feelings  towards 
all  should  be  cultivated.  The  nation,  which  indulges 
towards  another  an  habitual  hatred,  or  an  habitual 
fondness,  is  in  some  degree  a  slave.  It  is  a  slave  to 
its  animosity  or  to  its  affection,  either  of  which  is 
sufficient  to  lead  it  astray  from  its  duty  and  its  in 
terest.  Antipathy  in  one  nation  against  another  dis 
poses  each  more  readily  to  offer  insult  and  injury,  to 
lay  hold  of  slight  causes  of  umbrage,  and  to  be 
haughty  and  intractable,  when  accidental  or  trifling 
occasions  of  dispute  occur.  Hence,  frequent  collis 
ions,  obstinate,  envenomed,  and  bloody  contests. 
The  nation,  prompted  by  ill-will  and  resentment, 
sometimes  impels  to  war  the  Government,  contrary 
to  the  best  calculations  of  policy.  The  Government 
sometimes  participates  in  the  national  propensity, 
and  adopts  through  passion  what  reason  would  re 
ject;  at  other  times,  it  makes  the  animosity  of  the 
nation  subservient  to  projects  of  hostility  instigated 
by  pride,  ambition,  and  other  sinister  and  pernicious 
motives.  The  peace  often,  sometimes  perhaps  the 
liberty,  of  nations  has  been  the  victim. 

So  likewise,  a  passionate  attachment  of  one  nation 
for  another  produces  a  variety  of  evils.  Sympathy 
for  the  favorite  nation,  facilitating  the  illusion  of  an 
imaginary  common  interest  in  cases  where  no  real 
common  interest  exists,  and  infusing  into  one  the 
enmities  of  the  other,  betrays  the  former  into  a  par 
ticipation  in  the  quarrels  and  wars  of  the  latter, 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  51 

without  adequate  inducement  or  justification.  It 
leads  also  to  concessions  to  the  favorite  nation  of 
privileges  denied  to  others,  which  is  apt  doubly  to 
injure  the  nation  making  the  concessions;  by  unne 
cessarily  parting  with  what  ought  to  have  been  re 
tained;  and  by  exciting  jealousy,  ill-will,  and  a 
disposition  to  retaliate,  in  the  parties  from  whom 
equal  privileges  are  withheld.  And  it  gives  to  am 
bitious,  corrupted,  or  deluded  citizens  (who  devote 
themselves  to  the  favorite  nation),  facility  to  betray 
or  sacrifice  the  interests  of  their  own  country,  with 
out  odium,  sometimes  even  with  popularity;  gilding 
with  the  appearances  of  a  virtuous  sense  of  obliga 
tion,  a  commendable  deference  for  public  opinion, 
or  a  laudable  zeal  for  public  good,  the  base  or  foolish 
compliances  of  ambition,  corruption  or  infatuation. 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influence  in  innumerable 
ways;  such  attachments  are  particularly  alarming  to 
the  truly  enlightened  and  independent  patriot.  How 
many  opportunities  do  they  afford  to  tamper  with 
domestic  factions,  to  practice  the  arts  of  seduction, 
to  mislead  public  opinion,  to  influence  or  awe  the 
public  councils!  Such  an  attachment  of  a  small  or 
weak,  towards  a  great  and  powerful  nation,  dooms 
the  former  to  be  the  satellite  of  the  latter. 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influence 
(I  conjure  you  to  believe  me,  fellow-citizens),  the 
jealousy  of  a  free  people  ought  to  be  constantly 
awake,  since  history  and  experience  prove  that  for 
eign  influence  is  one  of  the  most  baneful  foes  of  re 
publican  goverment.  But  that  jealously,  to  be  useful, 
must  be  impartial ;  else  it  becomes  the  instrument  of 


52       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  very  influence  be  avoided,  instead  of  a  defence 
against  it.  Excessive  partiality  for  one  foreign  na 
tion,  and  excessive  dislike  of  another,  cause  those 
whom  they  actuate  to  see  danger  only  on  one  side, 
and  serve  to  veil  and  even  second  the  arts  of  in 
fluence  on  the  other.  Real  patriots  who  may  resist 
the  intrigues  of  the  favorite,  are  liable  to  become  sus 
pected  and  odious;  while  its  tools  and  dupes  usurp 
the  applause  and  confidence  of  the  purpose,  to  sur 
render  their  interests. 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to  for 
eign  nations,  is,  in  extending  our  commercial  rela 
tions,  to  have  with  them  as  little  political  connexion 
as  possible.  So  far  as  we  have  already  formed  en 
gagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled  with  perfect  good 
faith.  Here  let  us  stop. 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which  to  us 
have  none,  or  a  very  remote  relation.  Hence  she 
must  be  engaged  in  frequent  controversies,  the  causes 
of  which  are  essentially  foreign  to  our  concerns. 
Hence,  therefore,  it  must  be  unwise  in  us  to  impli 
cate  ourselves,  by  artificial  ties,  in  the  ordinary  vicis 
situdes  of  her  politics,  or  the  ordinary  combinations 
and  collisions  of  her  friendships  or  enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and  en 
ables  us  to  pursue  a  different  course.  If  we  remain 
one  people,  under  an  efficient  government,  the  period 
is  not  far  off  when  we  may  defy  material  injury  from 
external  annoyance;  when  we  may  take  such  an  atti 
tude  as  will  cause  the  neutrality,  we  may  at  any 
time  resolve  upon,  to  be  scrupulously  respected; 
when  belligerent  nations,  under  the  impossibility  of 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  53 

making  acquisitions  upon  us,  -will  not  lightly  hazard 
the  giving  us  provocation;  when  we  may  choose 
peace  or  war,  as  our  interest,  guided  by  justice  shall 
counsel. 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a  situa 
tion?  "Why  quit  our  own  to  stand  upon  foreign 
ground.  Why,  by  interweaving  our  destiny  with 
that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and 
prosperity  in  the  toils  of  European  ambition,  rival- 
ship,  interest,  humor  or  caprice? 

It  is  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent  al 
liances  with  any  portion  of  the  foreign  world ;  so 
far,  I  mean,  as  we  are  now  at  liberty  to  do  it ;  for  let 
me  not  be  understood  as  capable  of  patronizing  infi 
delity  to  existing  engagements.  I  hold  the  maxim 
no  less  applicable  to  public  than  to  private  affairs, 
that  honesty  is  always  the  best  policy.  I  repeat  it, 
therefore,  let  those  engagements  be  observed  in  their 
genuine  sense.  But,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unnecessary 
and  would  be  unwise  to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves,  by  suitable 
establishments,  on  a  respectable  defensive  posture, 
we  may  safely  trust  to  temporary  alliances  for  extra 
ordinary  emergencies. 

Harmony,  liberal  intercourse  with  all  nations,  are 
recommended  by  policy,  humanity,  and  interest. 
But  even  our  commercial  policy  should  hold  an  equal 
and  impartial  hand;  neither  seeking  nor  granting 
exclusive  favors  or  preferences;  consulting  the  na 
tural  course  of  things;  diffusing  and  diversifying  by 
gentle  means  the  streams  of  commerce,  but  forcing 
nothing;  establishing  with  powers  so  disposed,  in 


54       THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

order  to  give  trade  a  stable  course,  to  define  the  rights 
of  our  merchants,  and  to  enable  the  government  to 
support  them,  conventional  rules  of  intercourse,  the 
best  that  present  circumstances  and  mutual  opinion 
will  permit,  but  temporary,  and  liable  to  be  from 
time  to  time  abandoned  or  varied,  as  experience  and 
circumstances  shall  dictate;  constantly  keeping  in 
view,  that  it  is  folly  in  one  nation  to  look  for  disin 
terested  favors  from  another;  that  it  must  pay  with 
a  portion  of  its  independence  for  whatever  it  may 
accept  under  that  character;  that,  by  such  accept 
ance,  it  may  place  itself  in  the  condition  of  having 
given  equivalents  for  nominal  favors,  and  yet  of  be 
ing  reproached  with  ingratitude  for  not  giving  more. 
There  can  be  no  greater  error  than  to  expect  or  cal 
culate  upon  real  favors  from  nation  to  nation.  It  is 
an  illusion,  which  experience  must  cure,  which  a  just 
pride  ought  to  discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  countrymen,  these  counsels 
of  an  old  and  affectionate  friend,  I  dare  not  hope 
they  will  make  the  strong  and  lasting  impression  I 
could  wish;  that  they  will  control  the  usual  current 
of  the  passions,  or  prevent  our  nation  from  running 
the  course,  which  has  hitherto  marked  the  destiny 
of  nations.  But,  if  I  may  even  flatter  myself,  that 
they  may  be  productive  of  some  partial  benefit,  some 
occasional  good;  that  they  may  now  and  then  recur 
to  moderate  the  fury  of  party  spirit,  to  warn  against 
the  mischiefs  of  foreign  intrigue,  to  guard  against 
the  impostures  of  pretended  patriotism;  this  hope 
will  be  a  full  recompense  for  the  solicitude  for  your 
welfare,  by  which  they  have  been  dictated. 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS.  55 

How  far  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties  I 
have  been  guided  by  the  principles  which  have  been 
delineated,  the  public  records  and  other  evidences  of 
my  conduct  must  witness  to  you  and  to  the  worli. 
To  myself,  the  assurance  of  my  own  conscience  is,  that 
I  have  at  least  believed  myself  to  be  guded  by  them. 
In  relation  to  the  still  subsisting  war  in  Europe, 
my  proclamation  of  the  22d  of  April,  1793,  is  ue 
index  of  my  plan.  Sanctioned  by  your  approving 
voice,  and  by  that  of  your  Representatives  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  the  spirit  of  that  measure  has 
continually  governed  me,  uninfluenced  by  any  at 
tempts  to  deter  or  divert  me  from  it. 

After  deliberate  examination,  with  the  aid  of  the 
best  lights  I  could  obtain,  I  was  well  satisfied  that 
our  country,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
had  a  right  to  take,  and  was  bound  in  duty  and  in 
terest  to  take,  a  neutral  position.  Having  taken  it,  I 
determined,  as  far  as  should  depend  unon  me,  to  main 
tain  it,  with  moderation,  perseverance  and  firmness. 
The  considerations  which  respect  the  right  to  hold 
this  conduct,  it  is  not  necessary  on  this  occasion  to 
detail.  I  will  only  observe,  that,  according  to  my 
understanding  of  the  matter,  that  right,  so  far  from 
being  denied  by  any  of  the  belligerent  powers,  has 
been  virtually  admitted  by  all. 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct  may  be  in 
ferred,  without  anything  more,  from  the  obligation 
which  justice  and  humanity  impose  on  every  nation, 
in  cases  in  winch  it  is  free  to  act,  to  maintain  invio 
late  the  relations  of  peace  and  amity  towards  other 
nations. 


56        THE  WORDS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

The  inducements  of  interest  for  observing  that  con 
duct  will  best  be  referred  to  your  own  reflections  and 
experience.  With  me  a  predominant  motive  has  been 
to  endeavor  to  gain  time  to  our  country  to  settle  and 
mature  its  yet  recent  institutions,  and  to  progress 
without  interruption  to  that  degree  of  strength  and 
consistency,  which  is  necessary  to  give  it,  humanly 
speaking,  the  command  of  its  own  fortunes. 

Though,  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  admin 
istration,  I  am  unconscious  of  intentional  error,  I  am 
nevertheless  too  sensible  of  my  defects  not  to  think 
it  probable  that  I  may  have  committed  many  errors. 
Whatever  they  may  be  I  fervently  beseech  the  Al 
mighty  to  avert  or  mitigate  the  evils  to  which  they 
may  tend.  I  shall  also  carry  with  me  the  hope  that 
my  country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  in 
dulgence;  and  that,  after  forty-five  years  of  my  life 
dedicated  to  its  service  with  an  upright  zeal,  the 
faults  of  incompetent  abilities  will  be  consigned  to  ob 
livion,  as  myself  must  soon  be  to  the  mansions  of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things, 
and  actuated  by  that  fervent  love  towards  it,  which 
is  so  natural  to  a  man,  who  views  in  it  the  native  soil 
of  himself  and  his  progenitors  for  several  generations; 
I  anticipate  with  pleasing  expectation  that  retreat, 
in  which  I  promise  myself  to  realize,  without  alloy, 
the  sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in  the  midst  of 
my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  good 
laws  under  a  free  government,  the  ever  favorite  ob 
ject  of  my  heart,  and  the  happy  reward,  as  I  trust, 
of  our  mutual  cares,  labors,  and  dangers. 

GEOKQE  WASHINGTON. 


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Child's  History  of  England.   By  Charles  Dickens. 

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Merrie  England.  262  pages. 

Bonnie  Scotland,  280  pages.  , 

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,  , 

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,         .  . 

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The  Works  of  John  Bunyan,  containing  the  PiL 

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Dr.  Cheever,  and  an  Essay  by  James  Montgomery.  Illustrated 
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Evolutionist  at  Large .    Grant  Allen. 
Landholding  in  England.    J.  Fisher. 
Fashion  in  Deformity.    W.  H.  Flower. 
Facts  and  Fictions  in  Zoology.    A.  Wilson. 
The  Study  of  Words.    R.  C.  Trench. 
Hereditary  Traits,  etc.    R.  A.  Proctor. 
Vignettes  from  Nature.    Grant  Allen. 
Philosophy  of  Style.    Herbert  Spencer. 
The  Mother  Tongue.    Alex.  Bain. 
Religions  of  India.    John  Oaird. 
Religion  of  China.    Geo.  Matheson. 
Religion  of  Persia.    John  Milne. 
.        Evolution  and  Biology.    T.  II.  Huxley.  10 


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Physics  and  Politics.    W.  Bagehot. 
Man's  Place  in  Nature.     T.  H.  Huxley. 
Education.    Herbert  Spencer. 
Town  Geology.    Chas.  Kingsley. 
Conservation  of  Energy.    Balf  our  Stewart. 
Study  of  Languages.    C.  Marcel. 
Data  of  Ethics.    Herbert  Spencer. 
Sound  in  Relation  to  Music.    Blaserna. 
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Mind  and  Body.    Alex.  Bain. 
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Progress;  Its  Law  and  Cause.    Spencer. 
Lessons  in  Electricity.    Tyndall. 
Familiar  Essays,    R.  A.  Proctor. 
Romance  of  Astronomy.    R.  K.  Miller. 
Physical  Basis  of  Life.    T.  H.  Huxley. 
Seeing  and  Thinking.    W.  K.  Clifford. 
Scientific  Sophisms.    Wainwright. 
Popular  Scientific  Lectures.    Helmholtz. 

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Palaeontology  and  Evolution.    T.  H.  Huxley. 

Natural  Selection  and   Natural  Theology.      Eustace  R, 

Conder. 

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Science  in  Politics.    Frederick  Pollock. 
Darwin  and  Humboldt.    Huxley,  Romanes,  Geikie,  Dyer, 

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Diseases  of  Memory.    Th.  Ribot. 
Childhood  of  Religions.    Edward  Clodd. 
Life  in  Nature.   James  Hinton. 

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